Vexed To Nightmare By Talk of War
Oct 5th, 2007 by Donagh
In the episode The Second Coming from the last series of The Sopranos AJ, Tony’s son, is caught by his sister checking out the Al-Jazeera website on his laptop (because he tries to hide his screen she presumes he’s surfing porn). She’s coming in to ask him if he wants to watch Borat with her again. He says something like: “that film exploited everyone in it”, to which his sister replies, ‘you loved that movie when it came out’. AJ has changed. He’s deeply anxious, reflecting perhaps the general anxiety pervading American since the post 9/11 instigated War on Terror. AJ is not so anxious about the threat of terrorism. Certainly not as much as Tony is when he agrees to help the FBI track down some Muslim gentlemen that he’s been doing business with. Rather, AJ is concerned with the general direction of US foreign policy.
After a moments silence AJ asks his sister: “Do you think Bush is going to bomb Iran?”
“Why are you even thinking about that?” she replies tersely. And it seems curious that he should, or rather that ordinary people like AJ should be worried about Bush bombing Iran. Surely that’s the concern of broadsheet commentators, major think tanks like Chatham House, Senate Committees and foreign policy wonks the world over. That such an event is even possible seems like untrammeled madness. That it appears imminent suggest that there is something rotten in the state of Denmark.
So, Seumas Milne, part-time scourge of muscular liberals – those who insist upon protecting their cherished Western Liberalism by ditching the tenants upon which it is founded – is writing about it today and says that the level of noise being produced by the war mongers in Washington is reaching industrial level, so much so that its getting increasingly impossible to avoid.
But how could anyone be convinced that there is a justifiable reason for attacking Iran? Clearly the WMD thing is not going to wash – you can fool the public once, etc.
“What is becoming clearer is that the likely pretext for aggression against Iran has shifted from the possibility that Tehran might develop nuclear weapons to its role in supporting and allegedly arming the resistance in neighbouring Iraq and Afghanistan. The administration is increasingly convinced that it will be far easier to convince the American public of the case for war on Iran if it’s seen as being about the protection of US troops rather than nuclear scaremongering from the people who brought you Saddam Hussein’s WMD.”
Iran is a thorn in the side of the US’s plan for hegemonic control of the Middle East, but the irony is that the increasing influence of Iran, within Iraq (where it never had an influence) and with Syria (ditto) and Lebanon (where there was influence over Hezbollah, but now to the extent it has now) is largely due to the incompetence of the US Administration. The power in the region that Iran now has, especially within Iraq was provided by way that the US destabilized the country, suppressed the Sunni minority, who largely controlled the country through their dominance of the Baath party and provided the means for the Shia to run militias almost free-rein.
But what we are seeing now is a phony war, with the Iranians publicly talking about the possibility of an attack on Iran as a psychological ploy. But following a phony war, real ones are known to follow:
“Iranian leaders have dismissed the threat of attack as “psychological warfare”, and no doubt the US would prefer to bring Iran to heel through political upheaval in Tehran rather than by force. But current destabilisation efforts seem unlikely to succeed, and so, short of a sudden US embrace of genuine negotiation, the chances of war before Bush leaves office look high.”
I hope this is not true. Certainly, as I’ve argued before, while we are worried about Bush, we should be equally concerned about who might follow him if a Republican is elected in 2008. If Rudy – with his coterie of retro styled neo-cons – is elected, it won’t be a matter of if, but when.
And the result would be grim.
“What should not be in doubt is that the consequences of an attack on Iran would be devastating, both in the region and beyond. Iran has the reach to deliver an unconventional armed response in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon, Israel, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf - as well as on the streets of London. The economic impact could be even greater, given Iran’s grip on the 20% of global oil supplies that are shipped through the Strait of Hormuz. It would also certainly set back the cause of progressive change in Iran.”
However fun it might be, in a weird way, to paint apocalyptic scenarios such as the use of unconventional weapons in a global guerilla war, the reality might be different. Much of this is talk. The US Administration knows it can’t handle a war situation with Iran. It is overstretched in Iraq and Afghanistan. The bombing of that country would bring an increasingly fractured nation together as a reactive force against US and Israeli interests (instead of bombing it back to the stone age - it would be more like bombing it back to 1980).
Certainly, Israel’s air attack on Syria doesn’t bode well, but let’s stop this crazy talk about bombing Iran. Its not going to happen. We shouldn’t even be thinking about it?
The Sopranos episode I mentioned at the beginning is called The Second Coming after the poem by WB Yeats. In it AJ sits on his bed and reads the Yeats poem a loud and it seems to echo all his misgivings and indeed, those of his country. I’d forgotten what a great poem it is and how famous so many of its phrases are. Also, it seems more than appropriate in the context of this talk of war, which is one of the reasons why The Sopranos was such a great show.
The Second Coming – William Butler Yeats
Turning and turning in the widening gyre
The falcon cannot hear the falconer;
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
Surely some revelation is at hand;
Surely the Second Coming is at hand.
The Second Coming! Hardly are those words out
When a vast image out of Spiritus Mundi
Troubles my sight: a waste of desert sand;
A shape with lion body and the head of a man,
A gaze blank and pitiless as the sun,
Is moving its slow thighs, while all about it
Wind shadows of the indignant desert birds.
The darkness drops again but now I know
That twenty centuries of stony sleep
Were vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle,
And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,
Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?
New Update: Actually, for a much clearer picture of Iran – US relations see The Victor? By Peter W. Galbraith in the Oct 11th edition of the New York Review of Books.
“The United States has two options for dealing with Iran’s nuclear facilities: military strikes to destroy them or negotiations to neutralize them. The first is risky and the second may not produce results. So far, the Bush administration has not pursued either option, preferring UN sanctions (which, so far, have been more symbolic than punitive) and relying on Europeans to take the lead in negotiations. But neither sanctions nor the European initiative is likely to work. As long as Iran’s primary concern is the United States, it is unlikely to settle for a deal that involves only Europe.
Sustained air strikes probably could halt Iran’s nuclear program. While some Iranian facilities may be hidden and others protected deep underground, the locations of major facilities are known. Even if it is not possible to destroy all the facilities, Iran’s scientists, engineers, and construction crews are unlikely to show up for work at places that are subject to ongoing bombing.But the risks from air strikes are great. Many of the potential targets are in populated places, endangering civilians both from errant bombs and the possible dispersal of radioactive material. The rest of the world would condemn the attacks and there would likely be a virulent anti-US reaction in the Islamic world. In retaliation, Iran could wreak havoc on the world economy (and its own) by withholding oil from the global market and by military action to close the Persian Gulf shipping lanes.”
He points to the possibility of re-engaging on the terms suggested by the Iranian’s in 2003, when they made a secret offer to the US in May of that year. I’ve spoken about this before, but the Galbraith article is very even-handed and revealing.

The Second Coming is a brilliant brilliant poem. I thought of it when I first read Heaney’s “Anything Can Happen“.
Anything can happen. You know how Jupiter
Will mostly wait for clouds to gather head
Before he hurls the lightning? Well just now
He galloped his thunder cart and his horses
Across a clear blue sky.. It shook the earth
and the clogged underearth, the River Styx,
the winding streams, the Atlantic shore itself.
Anything can happen, the tallest towers
Be overturned, those in high places daunted,
Those overlooked regarded. Stropped-beak Fortune
Swoops, making the air gasp, tearing the crest off one,
Setting it down bleading on the next.
Ground gives. The heaven’s weight
Lifts up off Atlas like a kettle lid.
Capstones shift. Nothing resettles right.
Telluric ash and fire-spores boil away.
I’m actally not familiar with that Heaney poem, so appreciate that. And there is that sense of coming doom, whether natural or man-made.
There is so much of The Second Coming that has entered the language though.
Things fall apart; The blood-dimmed tide is loosed; The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity. And even ‘Slouches towards Bethlehem’.
I have to be honest, I didn’t think much of Milnes piece. For a start it was hedged with enormous qualifications. He almost seemed to be hoping for such an intervention.
But what sort of intervention is planned and/or likely? Almost certainly nothing that would incorporate footfall of troops. With the mess in Iraq there is simply no way the US public will countenance that. Which leaves targeted strikes, perhaps by Israel. But even that would be utterly cosmetic in military terms. And I don’t know if they’d bother taking the risk for something that would like as not fail in its intended objective.
Then Milne essentially ignored Tehran’s own imperial pretensions, waving them away with a couple of comments. But the reality is that Iran is a regional power and keen to extend that power (and has a remarkable network of proxies) and Milnes rather tepid linking of it with Chavez et al seems a bit thin, a sort of “let’s hope that they’re all radicals really”. Well maybe, but I’m a tad sceptical about that. I don’t blame Iran for that in the same way that I don’t blame China for extending its influence, that’s what big fairly powerful states do, but consequently that requires an even gaze of their motives and actions (and that is a thread which runs through Iranian geopolitical thinking quite separate from the character of individual governments whether of ‘moderate’ or ‘fundamentalist’ stripe).
Having said all that I agree with Milne that any attack would merely strengthen an already embattled and quite weird Iranian regime. Interesting too to counterpose that article with a previous one - I think in the Observer last weekend - which showed how the regime was cracking down hard on dissent, etc…
He almost seemed to be hoping for such an intervention.
I was trying to suggest this when I said “However fun it might be, in a weird way, to paint apocalyptic scenarios such as the use of unconventional weapons in a global guerilla war, the reality might be different.” There was a the hope almost, that they bloody well do it, just so it really blows up in their faces.
So much of this talk of war is strategic, although the Hersh article and other sources do suggest that more plans are afoot. My point though, was it didn’t make sense, as you point out. There can be no real advantage - so why is talk still so virulent?
Very true. Either it’s to ramp up the pressure on the Iranians - counterproductive as you note, or it’s just so much arm waving. Either way there’s no point to it.
One other thing is, didn’t Brown promise to introduce a vote in the House of Commons before a war? Now that may have been long fingered but after the events of the last couple of days I’d imagine he might have to bring that in sooner rather than later…
Writing in Le Monde Diplomatique, Philip S Golub writes of the institutional critics of American foreign policy, such as Zbigniew Brzezinski:
http://mondediplo.com/2007/10/04empire
‘For the US power elite, being on top of the world has been a habit for 60 years. Hegemony has been a way of life; empire, a state of being and of mind. The institutional realist critics of the Bush administration have no alternative conceptual framework for international relations, based on something other than force, the balance of power or strategic predominance.’
Note that he’s talking about the ‘realists’, and not the likes of Dick Cheney (who gets his Middle East policy ideas from Bernard Lewis) or the semi-moronic Bush (the translated transcript of his meeting with Aznar, published recently in El País, shows him to be a vain and sanctimonious war pig): those who currently hold sway in Washington. The latter are probably smart enough to grasp the concept of American decline, but may be incapable of realising that the best way of dealing with this is not by attempting to re-establish dominance through, among other things, bombing Iran.
It seems curious that these people are still in a cold war state of mind. Almost the entire approach to the Middle East is seen through the prism of how America ‘won’ that one. Ironically, it seems, reformers in Iran don’t want any assistance from the US because it’ll only alieniate them from the people they are trying to reach.
Well that’s Peter Galbraith’s argument in the NYRB article I link to above.
“Even though they can’t accomplish it, the Bush administration leaders have been unwilling to abandon regime change as a goal. Its advocates compare their efforts to the support the US gave democrats behind the Iron Curtain over many decades. But there is a crucial difference. The Soviet and East European dissidents wanted US support, which was sometimes personally costly but politically welcome. But this is immaterial to administration ideologues. They are, to borrow Jeane Kirkpatrick’s phrase, deeply committed to policies that feel good rather than do good. If Congress wants to help the Iranian opposition, it should cut off funding for Iranian democracy programs. ”
So we can’t rely on the idea that because its counter productive they won’t do it. Damn. Fool me, thinking that common sense would win through.